Calls for FIFA to standby Maldives Football.

Hamid Abdul Ghafoor, Wed 26 December 2007, Male’

I caste doubt on the wisdom of the FIFA selecting rather than electing a Transition Committee to take over the Maldives FA in an interim capacity. This was over a fortnight ago. I had reserved my judgment on the effectiveness of this approach, but felt the FIFA backed process should be given a chance. I took this position out of respect for a global civil society organization which recognized supporting the democratic process as their corporate social responsibility. I hope the FIFA will not disappoint Maldivian football fans.

Maldives need FIFA Support
The Maldives need international support for fast tracking a national pro-democracy movement that has gained an overwhelming momentum since 2003. We of course welcome this coincidence of the FIFA’s timely initiative. I believe myself to be a pro-active partner in the process. I am a member of the Male’ Football Club. I have also served as a former Secretary General of the Maldives FA.

Within this context, I read with interest a scathing headline by veteran sports journalist Shaheeb in the 29th November edition of the Haveeru Daily sports page and heard a live television discussion on the same topic a week later on Mon 10 Dec. Shaheeb’s headline read, “Can the FIFA hijack the FA Maldives claiming infringement of FIFA Statutes?” Hijack being the operative word!

Shaheeb questioned FIFA’s legitimacy to impose such a process on a sovereign National Association. He asks why the Founder of the FA, the Sports Minister kept silent while FIFA acted “unilaterally”. Shaheeb may have been flirting with Article 19, subsection (c) of the Association Act. That is associations are forbidden to engage in “Any doings underrating freedom, sovereignty of the country or its government.” A disturbing accusation, open to many an interpretation in a globalized world!

FIFA has ordered the FA Chairman and executive committee be sacked and replaced them with an interim transition committee of its choosing. This was a month ago in mid November 2007.


Live television debate
I believe it was Shaheeb’s article that stimulated the live television discussion. The discussion eventually ended up in an insightful debate.

The central theme was not quite what Shaheeb was referring to, i.e. the assertion that FIFA had “hijacked” the Maldives FA. The theme had moved on. The question now being posed is the legitimacy of FIFA, to continue running the Maldives FA, even through an interim Transitional Committee. The situation is made worse by the fact that this committee is appointed and comprised individuals who did not، even by their own admission, represent member clubs.

Critics notice how the FIFA has replaced the previous executive committee of unelected member clubs with this new individualistic composition. The government has been running the association in this undemocratic “mode” for decades. FIFA knows that. FIFA has issued a number of “reminders” over the last few years, and strangely enough, it is now FIFA that is doing this!

The televised panel consisted of the FIFA Transition Committee Chairman Mr. Shahir along with an official of the Sports Ministry Mr. Nazeem, a practicing lawyer Mr. Shameem and a club representative, Coach Suzain. Sports commentator Shakir moderated.

Two points of contention were raised. Firstly, does the Association Act (1/2003) give the right to anyone other than a member to act on behalf of an association and secondly, even if assuming so, is appointing such an interim committee in the spirit of the FIFA Statutes? I think there is food for thought here.

Polarized viewpoints
I met both parties after the debate and constructed the following viewpoints in light of what they had to say in hindsight. This I hope will help deepen the discourse on the foundations of Maldives civil society with respect to the Law.

FIFA flogging a dead horse: Coach Suzain and lawyer Shameem while not denying Shaheeb’s assertion, was more interested in pointing out that FIFA was flogging a dead horse! The Football Association of Maldives is “legally dead”! Article 36 subsection (b) of the Maldives Association Act specifically caters for transition as follows:

b) Where Governing Regulations of associations are registered with the Ministry of Home Affairs, Housing and Environment prior to passing of this Act, such associations are required to alter them such that the Governing Regulations are in compliance with this Act, and submitted to the Registrar of Associations within one year according to Gregorian Calendar from the date of this Act comes into effect.

The fact is that the FA never transited under the new law. Since the deadline of one year for transition had already passed, the only way the association can be revived is for all members to gather at a congress and “resuscitate” or “re-constitute” the association.

The Sports Minister did submit an amended FA constitution in line with the new law. It has therefore been up to him to re-constitute the association as stipulated in Article 15, 16 and 18 and within the deadline specified in the transition clause. The Founder obviously failed. Article 36 (b) nor any part of the Associations Act give weight to the Registrar having authority to “extend” this one year transition period. FIFA walked into a legal vacume, and simply replaced the illegality of the Founder.

Shameem is concerned that it has been over three years since the one year transition period expired. This now leaves the founder legally powerless to conduct affair of the association even in an interim capacity as specified in Article 15 (c). So how can the FIFA possibly step into the shoes of the founder? The implication is the FIFA representative should have been aware of this! The intelligence FIFA got was flawed.

Suzain and Shameem further concluded that the founder, in the guise of the Sports Minister and all members of the Transition Committee may face a jail sentence of between two to five years for infringing Article 37 (b) of the Association Act. The accused simply smiled in shocked disbelief!

Is the FIFA Transition Committee valid? Chairman Shahir and the Sports Ministry Official Nazeem’s take on this issue was based on the “assumption” that the Registrar of Clubs and Societies have the executive power to extend the one year deadline to suit the founder (and now FIFA). They do not seem to be aware that the Founder is now attempting to use a different arm of the executive, the Home Minister to protect the founder’s interest and gain time by dragging the process with this lame story. Their innocent appeal was that the transition phase amounts to an act on behalf of the founder, to redress its own failure of 24 years.

The FIFA appointed Chairman maintain that his mandate is to oversee FA elections on behalf of the FIFA. The FIFA is now effectively a proxy of the Government. FIFA was acting with the consent of the Founder. The Chairman then goes on to refute the legal argument that his committee must consist of “members only” as stipulated in the law. The point Chairman Shahir makes is that it is only after the founder, now represented by FIFA Transition Committee, holds the first election that membership become effective.

In other words, the FIFA Transition Committee’s mandate is to, on behalf of the founder; conduct the required administrative chores that fill the space between registration and constitution of the association.

The opposition however responds with the view that the period of one year for transition expired three years ago and therefore both the founder (government), the Registrar (another arm of the government) and the FIFA (government proxy) is now operating outside Maldives Law! Quite a mess really!

The problem initiated by the Founder (Sports Minister) has now shifted over to another arm of the founder, the Home Minister. The Registrar of Clubs and Societies fall within the mandate of the Home Minister. The Registrar is conveniently “assuming” he has the mandate to extend the time of the one year transitional deadline already fixed under subsection (b) of Article 36. Lawyer Shameem points out that Article 8 DO NOT give the Registrar the authority to drag his approval of the proposed Constitution for more than the one year period stipulated in the Transition Clause. The FIFA Official should have been aware of this “irregularity” when he struck this “deal” with the Government of Maldives.

So where are we headed?
There do not appear to be any sane remedies really. The sad fact is that the Association is legally dead. The founder has lost its legal mandate over member clubs. The Registrar has in turn acted illegally to “protect” the founder. It really cannot get any worse.

We may therefore have to consider the choices available under Articles 31, 32 and 33 of the Association Act. Article 31 has to do with voluntarily dissolving the association. Article 32 spells out how we can go about cancelling the registry of the Association and Article 33 spells out how it can be wound up by a court order.

I cannot see how the FA can voluntarily dissolve itself when such an association has never been legally borne as stipulated in Article 15 and 36. It is the Registrar who can cancel the registry of an association under Article 32 (a). This obviously will not happen because the Registrar is in cohorts with the government and for this reason, have not cancelled the FA’s registration, be it legal or otherwise. Finally there is the option of the Court decision to dissolve the association. No one is taking the FA to court because everyone knows the infamous “founder” will immediately pop up its ugly head inside the court room and will take the same line as the registrar. The Kuda Heena case is an example of the courts compromised ambiguity.

A radical solution
I therefore propose a rather radical solution. That is direct action. I suggest the leading clubs get pro-active and call the over 80 member clubs (FIFA verifies 60) to a Congress and vote for “resuscitation” or “re-constitution” of the association, depending on what is legally possible. I have been proposing this line of action to leading club officials privately for some time.

There is no need or relevance of a Transition Committee by FIFA or any other party any more. The concept of transition does not apply to a legally dead organization. There is nothing to transit from.

This solution requires the leading clubs to actually replace the failed founder. The clubs may also at the same time consider an initiative to lobby with the legislature to provide a provision to the existing law to allow the FA to be registered under the same name for reasons of historical and national significance. If this is not possible, we simply register the association under a new name, say Maldives Football, instead of the present Football Association of Maldives.

The FIFA must remember that we in the Maldives are trying to find a 21st Century solution to getting rid of a culture of dictatorship that has both confused and stunted our development for thousands of years. The state has used sport purely for political gain. This is the time of change. Maldives Football needs FIFA to stand by its noble declarations under the banner of corporate social responsibility and mutual respect.

I hope the FIFA will not disappoint Maldives Football.

Government fails in its obligations to FA Maldives

Hamid Abdul Ghafoor, Mon 29 November 2007, Male’

FIFA have “appointed” a committee of five football personalities to oversee the transition of the National FA from a government controlled entity to a legal civil society organization. The man responsible for recommending this transition committee of five for FIFA approval was the AFC Secretary General Dato’ Paul Money Samuel.

Chairman appreciates government’s assistance!
The FIFA appointed Chairman of the FA transition committee Ahmed Shahir, in his first encounter with the local media after his appointment, expressed his appreciation of the assistance afforded by the government to his transition team. This is truly shocking in light of the fact we are in this situation today, because it was this very government that had continuously rejected democratic elections of the Maldives FA for the last 25 years.

Chairman Shahir, also a prominent member of the government appointed National Sports Council. He explained through last Thursday’s daily newspaper Haveeru that he was confident of getting the government controlled national FA to successfully transit into an independent and democratic institution without outside interference. Shahir, surely must have been joking when he expressed his public appreciation to the very government that continues to block representative governance. Government interference was the very reason for FIFA interference.

Chairman Shahir’s need to “please” the government is extremely worrying! I do not see how his comments can be interpreted as diplomacy. Shahir’s comments go against the very principle of freedom from outside interference. But then my very good friend Shahir we all know is an honorable man.

The FIFA appointed transition team consist of a past national goalkeeper and active coach Iqbal, a past national player and now a team manager Shah Ismail, two businessmen Mohamed Amir and Ahmed Hafeez, both past players, are the other members of this committee.

Committee’s mandate
The Transition Committee must be cognizant of the fact that their task is to ensure the FA is handed over to its rightful owners, namely the collective decision of member clubs as per Maldivian law in the first instance and of course the FIFA Statutes. This committee must guarantee that the government stops interfering in the affairs of the Maldives FA. Chairman Shahir rightfully points this out as his noble mandate.

I am sure he could therefore have done better by NOT kicking off his FIFA backed chairmanship with a whopping endorsement of the very government that had been the problem. Shahir is an honorable man, or did Haveeru just make this all up?

However, if cuddling up to the government is to be the Chairman’s stance, FIFA and Dato Paul Mony Samuel must understand that this committee will not command the confidence of the already frustrated domestic football community. Dato Paul has obviously failed to get a realistic assessment of the situation on the ground. Conspicuous is the absence of certain long standing members of the domestic football community on the Dato’s must-meet list in the Maldives. This probably is why the spirit of the FIFA Statutes requires even an interim committee such as a transitional committee to be elected and not selected as is the case here.

Government flouts the Law
Lawyers expressed surprise at Shahir’s remarks in light of the fact that the Maldives Law of Association (1/2003), since May 2003 required founding members of unelected associations, such as the Football association to re-register their Statutes and hold elections within a year of ratification of the law, meaning latest by May 2004.

We know that the sports minister at the time, Zahir Hussain, had the foresight to at least act within the “letter” of the law by submitting a new set of statutes for the FA apparently on the very last day of the deadline. We also heard that Minister Zahir was concerned at the blocking of government interference prescribed by law 1/2003 and had wished amendments to facilitate a return to an “acceptable” level of government control. After minister Zahir, two ministers, Ibrahim Manik and Hussain Hilmy passed through the ministry dragging their feet on elections. Incumbent minister Deen has totally distanced himself from his responsibility as founder to call for elections. The consequent FIFA intervention and appointment of a Transition Committee have been the direct result of government neglect at a time of an unprecedented political awakening of Maldivian society.

The law requires the government, as founder, to ensure democratic elections. Unfortunately the government not only failed to allow democratic elections, but actively blocked initiatives to democratize the FA. All past Presidents were appointed. The government have, to date consistently rejected all proposals to elect even a minority of club representatives to the executive committee. Finally, after the landmark Kuda Heena case last year, the government, through Presidential Decree “appointed” a National Sports Council, which in turn could manipulate National Association elections. The latest proposal from the NSC to the NA was for member clubs to vote in a clause to their Statutes, giving the NSC the right to appoint Presidents of NAs. Ridiculous as it is, club officials were told that government will withhold funding, should they refuse to ratify “institutionalized government interference”.

“Government Non-government Organizations (NGOs)”
Unlike the case in most other countries, we have the bizarre reality of “Government NGOs”. The Maldives FA is such an NGO, disguised as a civil society organization until FIFA recently caught up to this deception by rejecting the government appointed FA President and Executive Committee. It has always been the responsibility of the incumbent sports minister, as founder of the FA to ensure that even “government founded” sport NGOs were elected according to Maldivian law.

FIFA Intervention
FIFA intervened in our “internal affairs” simply because the Maldives FA was not constituted in line with the world body’s regulations. The Maldives Government, as the founder of the National FA, has therefore failed in its duty towards its members in whose interest the government should have registered the FA. The government blocked democratic elections in contravention of Maldivian law.

It is a terrible shame that the international sports community have had to override government to come to the rescue of Maldivian football clubs and players. I believe it is simply a matter of time before other international bodies such as the International Olympic Committee will be jolted into taking note of the situation in the Maldives. Unlike the FIFA, most international sport federations have not bothered to act on issues of democratization, conveniently turning a blind eye to government interference.

Context
The FIFA appointed transition team and its Chairman Shahir must recognize the historic context within which the Maldives FA has to transit into a democratic institution. I sincerely hope the FIFA and the AFC will attempt to obtain a better grasp of our ground reality. It appears questionable weather the best option for FIFA in the case of the Maldives was to appoint a Transitional Committee.

Forced to respond to internal and external pressure for democratic reform since 2003, the government of President Gayoom today stands face to face with the task of ratifying a new constitution and agreeing to a coherent, time bound, transitional framework as early as next month. It is perhaps within this context that FIFA should have weighed the question of “selection” and “election”.

Can we still give Chairman Shahir a break?

Elite clubs want voting rights for themselves.

The transition of the Maldives FA in line with law may be more difficult than it appears. A number of elite club managers close to the government dominated football administration seem unable to comprehend the advantages of giving voting rights to ALL football clubs at the December-January 2008 inaugural elections. They maintain that only they, a minority of some 27 clubs, should be given the right to vote. This leaves some 60 clubs without the right to vote. They claim that these 60 clubs should not be given voting rights because these clubs have failed to participate regularly in FAM competitions over the last five years. The elite club officials believe that such “unstable clubs” should not have the right to a vote on the new Statutes or in electing the new FAM President and Executive Committee.

Government subsidy
This revelation comes from senior club officials who firmly believe that “minor” clubs can be accommodated later when they fulfill this requirement of participation in FAM competitions for a consecutive five years without fail. This is a tall order by local standards. The fact is that these 27 elite clubs, mostly Male’ based, have been able to participate in FAM competitions regularly only because they were subsidized by the government. Two third of football clubs have no such incentive. It would be interesting to see how the FIFA appointed transitional committee handle this issue. The immediate question then is who decides which clubs should be given the right to vote at the first FA Congress.

While this argument may be of direct benefit to these clubs as far as maintaining their grip on the sources of funds go, we must also understand this will not serve the interest of football in the long run.

Larger interest of football
Success of national sports associations are based on the abilities of these associations to regulate large numbers of youth, recreational and competitive players so as to present football successfully at the national and international levels. Such a policy broadens the base of the football pyramid. Developing and maintaining a large number of clubs and players ensure better talent is always available for the top levels of football. Supply of talented players feed the different development phases of the football pyramid. The national league of course attracts the cream, while the cream of the cream makes it to the national team.

The proposed FIFA approved Statutes and a transitional team are yet to be unveiled. The whole point of the AFC Secretary General, Dato’ Paul Mony Samuel’s recent visit to Male’ was to study the situation on the ground, prior to recommending a transitional team. I hope the FIFA appointed transitional team will see the sense in being more accommodative than these elite clubs.

FIFA to facilitate Maldives FA to comply with Statutes

FIFA have claimed the Football Association of Maldives is out of line with its Statutes. The national FA is one of some fourteen national sport associations including the national Olympic Committee, controlled by the government through unelected appointees of President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom.

Blatant disregard for national and international law has been a feature of the Maldives sports system over the last three decades. Disgruntled sports fans will welcome FIFA facilitation. Continued authoritarianism has undermined the self confidence and integrity of aspiring Maldivian athletes and sport officials. Maldives lacks a credible civil society for modern sport to flourish.

Football coach takes FAM to court
A national sprinter and player turned coach, Kuda Heena, claimed in court early last year that the FA lacked the legal foundation to sanction him in a disciplinary case. Stripped of his coaching job and a suspension of his license by the FA disciplinary committee, Kuda Heena symbolized the growing frustrations of Maldivian sportsmen.

The subsequent court ruling questioned the FA’s constitutional status. The court was concerned that the FA could not verify if it was constituted in line with national law, let alone the FIFA Statutes. The FA, with over 80 active clubs has never had a general meeting or an election. The President and Executive Committee are appointed by the government.

The court ruled that the FA be given till end July 2006 to get the association in line with law. The subsequent distancing of the Sports Minister from the issue politically and the inability of member football clubs to stage a coherent response to this court ruling have thrown the whole FA into a state of incomprehensible disarray. Lacks of awareness among club representatives of conventional sport law have not helped matters. The unelected government appointees of these sport associations do not see a need to educate their members.

Incumbent FA Secretary General Abdul Hameed Abdul Ghafoor is left temporarily in charge of a fledgling administration during a period that could turn out to be a turbulent transition.

Suspect government policy
The court ruling prompted President Gayoom to set up a National Sports Council by Presidential Decree earlier this year. The initial idea was to announce elections and coerce members of sports associations to vote into their constitutions, a clause that gives the government appointed NSC a mandate to appoint office bearers and executive members to their respective boards. The grand idea seemed to be for the government and the Sports Minister to hide behind a smoke screen created by the more respectable sounding National Sports Council.

Ridiculous as it may seem, the NSC and the Sports Minister have been caught with their pants down when these plans attracted local media scrutiny. It just so happened that the superstitiously timed local media headlines of the FIFA directive, not recognizing the government appointed FA President and executive committee sent shockwaves through the domestic sport community.

The now tainted NSC was quick to jump in the bandwagon as a partner of sport reform by initiating a “transition team” with the consent of “friendly” football clubs who endorsed these government appointees without so much as a whisper. Government appointees of the NSC failed to take note of the fact that Article 17 of the FIFA Statutes required an interim transition committee also to be completely free from external (government) influence. Maldivian law requires, that affairs of associations be decided only by members (Clause 24, Associations Act, no 1/2003).

Thanks to FIFA’s new found sense of corporate social responsibility, the Maldives FA for the first time since its founding in 1982 is laid bare for what will hopefully be a historic transition into a democratic and independent member of national and international civil society.

FIFA reaction
FIFA, claiming the Maldives FA is not in line with Article 17 of its Statutes and the election or appointment of a transitional team for the Maldives FA should be conducted without external influence, seem to indicate that FIFA may directly appoint such a team. The recent visit of the AFC Secretary General Dato’ Paul Mony Samuel representing both FIFA and the AFC is an encouraging sign to a process already bogged down with no leadership or clarity. Dato’ Paul left with a list of possible candidates from which the FIFA may select their appointees to the interim transitional team.

The FIFA initiative unfortunately seems to be “frozen” at least till the second week of November. Dato’ Paul at his pre-departure press conference last Thursday 25 Oct, have indicated a roadmap with time frames could be declared at the earliest by early November. He also seemed “flexible” with the initial FIFA declared dates of 31 October for ratification of the FA constitution and 31 December as the deadline for a free and fair election of a new FA President and an executive committee.

The larger political context
The FIFA and the AFC may be unaware of the political context in which the National FA elections may be interpreted by a 30 year old incumbent government, hell bent on surviving the imminent transition of the Maldives from a draconian dictatorship to a 21st Century democratic state.

The first major deadline for this process is to get the long overdue constitutional amendments for transition complete by 30 November this year. Opposition parties have accused government backed MPs of obstructing the constitutional amendment process past this deadline. Some MPs are looking at the possibility of this process being dragged well past the November deadline, all the way into the first quarter of 2008. It appears these two transitional processes may overlap each other, creating an opportunity for the government to take political advantage of the sport process.

Years of government domination of the FA has built around it a group of “government insiders” as club officials. These officials have indicated their “preference” to delay the FIFA dates to March 2008 which was initially rejected by the FIFA before Dato’ Paul arrived on the scene.

We are yet to see whether the government of President Gayoom could influence the FIFA backed process to his political advantage.

އެފްއޭއެމް "ޓަރާންސިޝަން" މަރުހަލާގައި.... އޮލިމްޕިކް ކޮމިޓީ ކޮބާ؟

ޙާމިދު ޢަބްދުލްޣަފޫރު، 6 އޮކްޓޯބަރ 2007، މިނިވަން ނޫސް

ނިމިގެންދިޔަ ސެޕްޓެމްބަރުމަހުގެ މެދުތެރޭ، ނޫސްތަކުން ކުއްލިއަކަށް އިވުނީ، އަހަރުގެ ނިޔަލަށް އެފްއޭއެމް އިންތިޚާބުކުރުމަށް ފީފާއިން އަމުރު ނެރެފި ޚަބަރެވެ. މިހެންވުމަކީ، ހަޤީގަތަކަށް ވެދާނެކަމެއްކަމުގައި، މިސަފްހާތައްމެދުވެރިކޮށް އަޅުގަޑުވެސް ދަންނަވަމުން ގެންގޮސްފައިވާނެއެވެ. އަދި އޯގަސްޓްމަހުގެ ފަހުހަފްތާގައި، އެފްއޭއެމްގެ ޗެއަރމަންކަމުގައި އޭރު ހުންނެވި މުހަންމަދު ކަލީމުއާ ބައްދަލުކޮށް، އެޖަމިއްޔާގެ އިންތިޚާބުގެ ތާރީޚް އަވަހަށް އިޢުލާނުކުރެއްވުމަށް ލަފާ އަރުވާފައިވާނެއެވެ. އޭގެ ކުޑަދުވަސްކޮޅެއްކުރިން، ސްޕޯޓްސް މިނިސްޓަރު ވަޙީދުއްދީނާ ބައްދަލުކޮށްވެސް މިވާހަކަތައްވާނީ ދައްކާފައެވެ.

ކޮންމެއަކަސް، މިހާރު މިއޮތީ އެފްއޭއެމްގެ އިންތިޚާބުގެ ތާރީޚް ކަޑައެޅިފައެވެ. ކުޅިވަރުކައުންސިލުން ކަޑައެޅި "ޓްރާންސިޝަން" ޓީމެއްގެ ބެލުމުގެދަށުން 31 އޮކްޓޯބަރުގެނިޔަލަށް އަސާސީޤަވާއިދު ފާސްކޮށް، 31 ޑިސެމްބަރުގެ ނިޔަލަށް އިންތިޚާބު ބޭއްވުމަށް މަސައްކަތް ފެށިފައެވެ. ވާލްޑް ޓްރޭޑް ސެންޓަރު ގޮއްވާލުމާގުޅިގެން، ދުނިޔެއަށް އައި ބޮޑު ފިކުރީ އިންޤިލާބަކާއެކު ބައިނަލްއަޤުވާމީ މުޖްތަމައުން، އާހިތްވަރަކާއެކު ޑިމޮކްރަސީއަށް ގޮވާލިއެވެ. އިޖްތިމާއީ ހަމަނުޖެހުމާއި، ޓެރަރިޒަމް އުފެދުމުގެ އަސްލަކީ ޚުދުމުޚުތާރުވެރިކަން ކަމުގައި ސާބިތުވުމުންނެވެ. މިއޮއިވަރުގައި ފީފާއާއި އޮލިމްޕިކްކޮމިޓީފަދަ ގްލޯބަލް ކުޅިވަރު އެންޖީއޯތަކުންވެސް އަވަސްވެގަތީ، ޑިމޮކްރަސީޤާއިމްކުރުމަކީ އެޖަމިއްޔާތަކުގެ "ކޯޕަރޭޓް ސޯޝަލް ރެސްޕޯންސިބިލިޓީ" ކަމުގައި އިޢުލާނުކުރުމަށެވެ. އާދެ، 21 ވަނަ ޤަރުނުގައި، އިންސާނީ ތަރައްޤީއަށް މަސައްކަތްކުރާ މިފަދަ ޖަމާއަތްތަކުގެ ހައިސިއްޔަތުލާޒިމްކުރާ އިޖްތިމާއީ ޒިންމާ އުފުލުމަށް އަވަސްވެގަންނަންޖެހުނީއެވެ. ޙުދުމުޙުތާރު ސަރުކާރުތަކުން ގެންގުޅޭ ގޮޑިކޮއްކޮ ކުޅިވަރު އެސޯސިއޭޝަންތައް ޑިމޮކްރަސީގެމަގަށް އެބުރުމަށް ފޯކަސް ބޮޑުވީއެވެ.

މައުމޫނުގެ ސަރުކާރުން ފީފާއާއި އިންޓަރނޭޝަނަލް އޮލިމްޕިކްކޮމިޓީފަދަ ބައިނަލްއަޤުވާމީ ކުޅިވަރުޖަމިއްޔާތަކަށް މިހާތަނަށް ދައްކައިގެން އުޅެފައިވާ މަންޒަރަކީ، ރާއްޖޭގެ ކުޅިވަރުޖަމިއްޔާތަކަކީ ޑިމޮކްރަސީގެ ހަމަތަކުގެމަތިން އިންތިޚާބުކޮށްފައިވާ ޖަމިއްޔާތަކެއްކަމުގައެވެ. އެހެންނަމަވެސް ސަރުކާރުގެ ޚުދުމުޚުތާރުކަންވެސް، ރައްޔިތުންނާއި، ބައިނަލްއަޤުވާމީ މުޖްތަމައަށް ހާމަވަމުން ދާބީދައިން ދިވެހި ކުޅިވަރު ޖަމިއްޔާތަކުގެ ފޮރުވިފައިވާ ހަޤީޤަތް މިއޮއްދަނީ ލަދުވެތިކަމާއެކު ހާމަވަމުންނެވެ. މިހާރު މިކަންކަން ރަގަޅުކުރުމުގެ ޒިންމާ މިއޮތީ ކްލަބްތަކާ، ކުޅުންތެރިންނާއި، އާއްމު ރައްޔިތުންނާހިސާބަށް ތިލަވެފައެވެ. އެހެންނަމަވެސް މިވަގުތުވެސް އިންތިޚާބުކުރަން މަޖުބޫރުވެފައިވާ އެފްއޭއެމްފިޔަވާ ސަރުކާރުން އުފައްދައިގެންއުޅޭ އަނެއް 12 ގޮޑިކޮއްކޮ ކުޅިވަރުޖަމިއްޔާ ގެތެރެއިން އިތުރު އެންމެ ޖަމިއްޔާއެއްވެސް މިކަމާ ފިޔަވަޅެއް އަޅަންއުޅޭކަމުގެ ހެއްކެއް ފެންނާކަށްނެތެވެ. ކުޅިވަރުގެ ދާއިރާގައި، ޑިމޮކްރެޓިކް އިސްލާހަށް އިސްނަގަން އެކަށީގެންވާ، ދިވެހި އޮލިމްޕިކްކޮމިޓީއާ ވޮލީބޯޅަ އެސޯސިއޭޝަންފަދަ ބޮޑެތި ޖަމިއްޔާތައްވެސް އެކުޅިވަރުތަކުގެ ބައިނަލްއަޤުވާމީ ޖަމިއްޔާތަކުން ފަހާ ދުއްވައިގަތުމުގެކުރިން، "ޓްރާންސިޝަން" ޕޮރޮގްރާމް އިއުލާނުކުރުން ބުއްދިވެރިކަމަކަށްވާނެއެވެ.

ކުޅިވަރު އެސޯސިއޭޝަންތައް، ބައިނަލްއަޤވާމީ ޖަމާއަތްތަކުން ކަޑައަޅާ ޑިމޮކްރަސީގެ މިންގަޑުތަކަށް ފެއްތުމުގައި އިސްނަންގަވަންޖެހިވަޑައިގަންނަވާ ފަރާތަކީ ކުޅިވަރު މިނިސްޓަރެވެ. ކުޅިވަރު މިނިސްޓަރު، އޭނާގެ ޤާނޫނީ ވާޖިބު އަދާކުރުމުގައި ފޭލްވެއްޖެނަމަ ދެން، އޭގެ ޒާތުގައި އެހެން އެސޯސިއޭޝަންތަކަށް ޒިންމާވާންޖެހޭނެ އެކަށީގެންވާ ފަރާތްކަމުގައި އަޅުގަޑު ދެކެނީ ދިވެހި އޮލިމްޕިކް ކޮމިޓީއެވެ. އެހެންނަމަވެސް އޮލިމްޕިކް ކޮމިޓީއަކީވެސް، އެކޮމިޓީގެ ރައީސް، ކިއެއްތަ، ދެންތިބި ހުރިހާމެމްބަރުންވެސް ޤާނޫނާޚިލާފަށް "އައްޔަން" ކޮށްފައިވާ ޖަމާއަތެކެވެ. އެފްއޭއެމަށް މިދިމާވިގޮތަކީ، އެހެން ކުޅިވަރު ޖަމިއްޔާތަކަށް ދިމާނުވާނެގޮތެއްކަމުގައި ބަލައިގެންނުވާނެއެވެ.

ދިވެހި ކުޅިވަރުމުޖްތަމައަށް (ކުޅުންތެރިންނާއި، ކްލަބްތަކާ، އެސޯސިއޭޝަންތަކާއި، ސްޕޮންސަރުންނަށް) ކުރިމަތިވެފައި މިހާރުއޮތް އެންމެ ބޮޑު ޗެލެންޖަކީ، ޤައުމުގެ ވެރިކަމުގެ ދާއިރާގައި ހިގަމުންދާ އިސްލާހީ މަސައްކަތާ އެއްހަމައެއްގައި ކުޅިވަރުގެ ދާއިރާގައި ވެސް ޑިމޮކްރަސީއާއި އިންސާފު ޤާއިމްކުރުމުގެ މަސައްކަތް ކުރިއަށް ގެންދިއުމެވެ.

ވެރިކަމުގެ ދާއިރާގައި، މައުމޫނުގެ ސަރުކާރަށް މިއޮތީ، އިސްލާޙްގެނައުމަށް ނުކުޅެދިފައެވެ. ނަތީޖާއެއްގެގޮތުން އާއްމުރައްޔިތުންނާއި، ސިޔާސީ ޕާޓީތަކާ، އަދި ވިޔަފާރިވެރިންވެސް މިއަދު މިއޮތީ ޑިމޮކްރެޓިކް އިސްލާހަށް އަތުކުރިއޮޅާލާ ނިކުމެފައެވެ. ވެރިކަމުގެ ދާއިރާގައި ކުރެވެމުންދާ ބަހުސަކީ، ރާއްޖެއަށް އިސްލާޙު ގެނެވޭނީ މިހާރުތިބި ޚުދުމުޚުތާރުވެރިން އެއްފަރާތްކުރުމަށްފަހު، "ޓްރާންސިޝަނަލް ސަރުކާރެއް" ގެބެލުމުގެދަށުން ކަމުގައެވެ. ކުޅިވަރުގެ ދާއިރާއަށްވެސް މިކަން ކުރަންޖެހިފައި މިއޮތީ މިއުސޫލުންނެވެ.
އެފްއޭއެމް މިހާރު މިއޮތީ އެޖަމިއްޔާގެ އިސްލާޙުކުރެވިފައިވާ އަސާސީ ޤަވާއިދު (ފުޓުބޯޅައިގެ ޤާނޫނުއަސާސީ)، 31 އޮކްޓޯބަރުގެކުރިން ފާސްކޮށް، އެއަސާސީޤަވާއިދުގެ ދަށުން 31 ޑިސެމްބަރުގެ ކުރިން، މެމްބަރު ކްލަބްތަކުގެ މެދުގައި، އިންސާފުވެރި އިންތިޚާބެއް ބާއްވާ، ރައީސްއާއި ހިންގާކޮމިޓީހޮވަންޖެހިފައެވެ. "ޓްރާންސިޝަނަލް" ޓީމު ނުވަތަ ފުޓުބޯޅައިގެ ވަގުތީ ސަރުކާރުގެ ރައީސްކަމުގައި ހަމަޖައްސާފައި މިއޮތީ އޮލިމްޕިކްކޮމިޓީއަށް މައުމޫނު އައްޔަންކުރައްވާފައިވާ އިބްރާހިމްއިސްމާއިލް (މަޝްހޫރު "ބޮޑޭ") އެވެ.

INTRODUCTION

The articles in this blog will have ideas, comments and vision on Maldives Sports industry issues.

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